Keeping Af-Pak Ties on Track

Sarah Khan

Since Pakistan’s independence in 1947, Pakistan – Afghanistan ties have been problematic and remained characterized by recurrent mutual suspicion, devised through a narrow security prism which sometimes manifested in policies of interference and even attempts at destabilization. While it will require considerable effort to end deep-seated animosity, both countries share close ethnic, linguistic, religious and economic ties. The relations remained worse during more than decade long tenure of Afghan ex- President Hamid Karzai. He not only propagated anti-Pakistan sentiments in Afghanistan but also provided strategic space to India inside Afghan territory in order to provide her access to Baloch sub nationalists and Taliban splinter groups to further boost insurgencies inside Pakistan.  

This situation continued until Afghan Presidential Elections 2014. After ouster of Karzai government, and the formation of the National Unity Government headed by President Ashraf Ghani in September 2014, relations with Pakistan saw an unprecedented improvement, raising hopes of peace talks with the Afghan Taliban. The incoming Afghan President Ashraf Ghani has offered to expand bilateral ties, providing Islamabad fresh opportunities to improve the relationship. On the Pakistani side, Pak Chief of Army Staff and his intelligence agency’s new chief took huge steps to improve security ties with Afghanistan. Since then, there has been a fair amount of activity aimed at repairing the damage that had occurred in Pakistan’s relations during Indian backed Karzai regime.

Despite moving on positive track and a visible improvement in bilateral relations, most of the remnants of Karzai regime continued to criticize Pakistan for alleged intervention and support to anti-Afghanistan Taliban. Ghani’s critics have called him naïve for trusting Pakistan. Mohammed Umer Daudzai interior minister of Afghanistan from August 2013 to December 2014, and previously Afghanistan’s ambassador to Iran and Pakistan opined that “in its wishful attempt to make progress with the Taliban, Kabul is gambling precious political capital on superficial tweaks in Pakistan’s policy.”

Ghani remained under a lot of pressure from the Afghan parliament and the Afghan bureaucracy who are mostly against Pakistan. Remnants of Karzai regime in present Afghan government argue that so far, Ghani has received little in return for his conciliatory efforts. Afghan Taliban-led violence has drastically increased following the April 2015 launch of the most vicious and geographically dispersed Taliban spring offensive since 9/11, with spectacular attacks against Afghan police, army, government officials, and civilians. It is important here to note that after withdrawal of US/NATO troops from Afghanistan, many regional experts and think tanks’ reports had noted that there will be tremendous increase in Taliban insurgency in Afghanistan after troops withdrawal because Afghanistan National Security Forces are not yet able to control the security situation. The Taliban summer offensive was very much anticipated at least a year ago and there is nothing to do with Pakistan. The security vacuum is created by withdrawal of US/NATO forces. It is not Pakistan backing Taliban inside Afghanistan, in reality they are not facing any potential force to counter their activities which is a weakness on part of ANSF largely trained by India.

The bilateral relations suffered a huge setback on June 22, when Afghan parliament was attacked by Taliban. Soon after the attack, Afghan intelligence services spokesman Hassib Sediqqi alleged that an officer in Inter-Services Intelligence helped the Haqqani network to carry out the attack outside parliament in Kabul. He also added that car used in explosion was assembled in Peshawar. This blame game has resulted in straining of ties between Afghanistan and Pakistan which has ruined the huge strides taken by President Ghani and Pakistan Army Chief General Raheel Sharif. Pakistan Foreign office has rejected the allegation as baseless. But the statements and bashing by Afghan officials suggests that anti-Pakistan sentiments are deep rooted in Afghans and may remain key spoiler in bilateral relations in coming days.

Despite Pakistan bashing and baseless allegations by Afghan officials, on 07 July Pakistan arranged meeting of Afghanistan’s High Peace Council Representatives with Taliban in Islamabad. The meeting was also attended by Chinese and US representatives. Pakistan’s foreign office has announced that talks will restart after the Islamic holy month of Ramadan ends in two weeks. It was the first time such a senior-level Afghan delegation has met face-to-face with Taliban representatives. This step taken by Pakistan was highly appreciated by US officials. In fact, US President Barack Obama had acknowledged Pakistan’s constructive role in Afghanistan reconciliation during General Raheel Sharif’s visit to US in November last year. President Obama reiterated his remarks during President Ashraf Ghani’s visit to US this year.

After decades of mistrust and sufferings, leadership in Afghanistan and Pakistan have realized that peace in the region is not possible without each other’s cooperation and both states need to work hand in glove in order to eradicate Taliban led militancy especially when ISIS is making inroads in the region. Instead of issuing inflammatory statements and continuing the blame game Kabul and Islamabad should continue their efforts to improve bilateral ties by enhancing counter terrorism cooperation. Afghan officials must understand that Taliban is increasingly split, with field commanders unwilling to accept orders from a leadership based outside Afghanistan. The perception that Taliban are entirely under Pakistan’s control needs to be corrected.

In this regard, there is a need to practically implement the Memorandum of Understanding signed between Inter Services Intelligence and National Directorate of Security. In addition to this, Islamabad should work with Kabul to expand economic ties, including by upgrading and expanding infrastructure, like road and rail links connecting the two countries, reducing cumbersome security measures, combating corruption and beginning talks on a free-trade agreement. Last but not least, in order to keep Af-Pak ties on track both states need to identify and weed out the elements trying to sabotage improving ties between Pakistan and Afghanistan and overall peace and stability of the region by providing arms, ammunition, and training to militants in the region.

The writer can be reached at ardent.jingo@gmail.com

Sabotaging Pak-Afghan relations

Dr Qaisar Rashid

While playing the blame game and sullying the image of Pakistan, the Kabul government failed to realise that Pakistan had intertwined its own peace with that of Afghanistan.

Some days ago, on June 22, a few Taliban militants detonated a car bomb outside the National Assembly in Kabul. The attackers launched rocket-propelled grenades at the building before they were killed by the Afghan national security force. The government of Afghanistan laid blame on Pakistan by saying that the bomb was loaded into the car in Peshawar and a man named Bilal, belonging to the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), was the mastermind who funded the project carried out by the Haqqani network. Reportedly, the Afghan government had been on alert since June 10 because of intelligence reports of the probable attack. Nevertheless, the timing was important because, at the time of the attack, the newly appointed defence minister, Mohammad Masoom Stanekzai, was delivering a parliamentary speech.
Is it possible for any officer of an intelligence agency of Pakistan to sabotage the friendly overtures made by a high profile Pakistani delegation consisting of the Prime Minister (PM), the Chief of Army Staff (COAS) and the Director General (DG) of the ISI that visited Kabul on May 12 this year? The delegation opened a new chapter for Pakistan-Afghan relations by condemning the attacks carried out by the Taliban on Kabul and by declaring the attacks acts of terrorism. The delegation wanted to assure the Kabul government that both the civilian and military leaderships were on the same page and were determined to support the Kabul government, led by Ashraf Ghani, the president of Afghanistan. The delegation also wanted to make its position on the so-called spring offensive clear to the Taliban, as well as to the world. One of the reasons for this high level commitment was the Peshawar school attack, carried out by the Taliban, which devoured more than 100 lives of innocent school children in December last year.
If the car carried any sign of being tampered with in Peshawar, does that mean Pakistan was responsible for the attack? Is it not possible for any operative of the ISI to be a malcontent and act on his own to sabotage the efforts of improving bilateral relations? If there was a Pakistani mastermind, how could it be certain that he belonged to the ISI? How could the car manage to evade the security barriers in Kabul to reach its destination? Even if it is assumed that there was support available at the individual level to the perpetrators of the attack, the Haqqani network, was it advisable to condemn Pakistan publicly? These are a few questions that need to be answered before arriving at a conclusion.
Furthermore, before denouncing Pakistan straightaway, the Kabul government could have utilised the close links established recently between the ISI and Afghanistan’s National Directorate of Security (NDS). Both the intelligence agencies have signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) to share intelligence and discourage terrorists from using their lands for subversive activities against each other. What was the utility of the MoU when the information was not shared? Were Pakistan’s efforts to improve bilateral relations really a machination to subvert the Kabul government? The answer is that they were not. While playing the blame game and sullying the image of Pakistan, the Kabul government failed to realise that Pakistan had intertwined its own peace with that of Afghanistan.
Perceivably, the attack on the parliament building could be a part of the Taliban attacks being carried out in the rest of Afghanistan. Reportedly, there are several cities and districts, in both the south and the north, which have been captured by the Taliban. Should Pakistan or any of its citizens be blamed for those as well? The Kabul government has failed to realise that it desperately needs Pakistan’s help to ensure its own survival because international players resort to regional and not international solutions for Afghanistan. Afghanistan should also mend its ways towards its neighbours, including Pakistan.
Although a NATO-led military mission called Operation Resolute Support has been functional in Afghanistan as the successor of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) since January 1 this year, it is a non-combat training, advising and assistance mission, consisting of about 12,000 soldiers. The Kabul government has to rely heavily on its own Afghan national force to defend its borders against the Taliban and maintain law and order. On the other hand, Pakistan has its own trained and equipped army that can brave the Taliban threat without Afghanistan’s help. Hence, Afghanistan is more in need of Pakistan than vice versa. The Kabul government is not realising the importance of the repercussions of the allegations levelled against Pakistan on bilateral ties.
The Kabul government has failed to look for the existence of a third party, which can infuse distrust between both the countries. Why be juvenile and blame Pakistan or any of its citizens before ruling out other possibilities? The Kabul government has also failed to understand the Taliban phenomenon, which is not a single unified monolithic force but a medley of discrete groups, functioning under different commanders and labels but associated with each other, albeit loosely, for a common cause. Any splinter recusant group can outwit the Kabul government and subvert peace in Afghanistan. Prima facie, the Kabul government has shifted responsibility onto Pakistan to propitiate Afghanistan without realising the perversity of its own response. Railing against Pakistan for all the ills of Afghanistan cannot serve the purpose of peace. The advance of the Taliban in Afghanistan is a precursor to the big crisis ahead.

Amnesty International Highlights Extrajudicial Killings in Kashmir

By Sajjad Shaukat

In its report on July 2, this year, the Amnesty International has highlighted extrajudicial killings of the innocent persons at the hands of Indian security forces in the Indian Held Kashmir.

The report points out, “Tens of thousands of security forces are deployed in Indian-administered Kashmir…the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) allows troops to shoot to kill suspected militants or arrest them without a warrant…not a single member of the armed forces has been tried in a civilian court for violating human rights in Kashmir…this lack of accountability has in turn facilitated other serious abuses…India has martyred one 100,000 people. More than 8,000 disappeared (while) in the custody of army and state police.”

The report emphasized on India “to revoke a draconian law AFSPA which provides immunity to security forces, also calling for an independent and impartial inquiry into cases of abuse.

In its previous reports, Amnesty International has already pointed out grave human rights violations in the Indian controlled Kashmir, revealing, “The Muslim majority population in Kashmir Valley suffers from repressive tactics of the security forces. Under the Jammu and Kashmir Disturbed Areas Act, and the Armed Forces Special Powers Act and Public Safety Act, security forces personnel have extraordinary powers to shoot suspected persons.”

Indian army, paramilitary troops are perpetrating heinous crimes under the cover of these laws, especially AFSPA which was introduced in 1990—with full impunity to the troops, as no incident is either reported by the media or prosecuted at any court of law in IOK or India.

However, the report of Amnesty International has a missing part as well. It does no indicate to the mass graves phenomenon, making headlines at international media since 2009. Many mass graves have been unearthed in different parts of Indian controlled Kashmir, fully filled with dumped bodies generally termed as missing persons.

In this respect, European Union passed a resolution on May 11, 2011 about human rights abuses committed by Indian forces in the Indian held Kashmir. Particularly, in 2008, a rights group reported unnamed graves in various regions of the Indian Occupied Kashmir (IOK). In this context, in August, 2011, Indian Jammu and Kashmir State Human Rights Commission (SHRC) officially acknowledged in its report that innocent civilians killed in the two-decade conflict have been buried in unmarked graves. Notably, foreign sources and human rights organizations including Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons (APDP) have disclosed that unnamed graves include thousands of persons, killed by the Indian forces in the fake encounters including those who were tortured to death.

A recent report on human rights violations by Indian Army and its paramilitary forces in Indian Occupied Kashmir revealed that since 1989, there have been deaths of 93,274 innocent Kashmiris, 6,969 custodial killings, 117,345 arrests and 105,861 destructions of houses. Indian brutal security forces have orphaned over 107, 351 children, widowed 22,728 women and gang raped 9,920 women.

It is notable that by showing a sense of great optimism for peace of the region, Pakistan had agreed with Indian old demand to strengthen the Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) in order to resolve the outstanding issues, especially main dispute of Kashmir. In this regard, during the visit of India’s External Affairs Minister S M Krishna to Pakistan on September 9, 2012, Islamabad and New Delhi also signed agreements of liberalized visa regime and a memorandum of understanding on cultural exchanges in addition to agreeing on new cross-Line of Control (LoC) Confidence Building Measures related to trade and travel.

While, as part of delaying tactics for the settlement of the Kashmir dispute, Indian rulers availed various crises to suspend the process of Pak-India talks. For example, in 2002, under the pretension of terrorist attack on the Indian parliament, New Delhi postponed the process of dialogue. Again, in 2008, India suspended the ‘composite dialogue’ under the pretext of Mumbai terror attacks.

And, as part of anti-Muslim and anti-Pakistan approach, leader of the BJP and Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi who is giving impetus to Hindu chauvinism not only accelerated unprovoked firing at the LoC in Kashmir including Working Boundary in Sialkot, but also cancelled the Secretary level talks with Islamabad. Now, he is raising baseless issue like Mumbai mayhem and terrorism as pre-conditions to advance the Pak-Indian dialogue. But, he ignored the fact that on July 19, 2013, Indian ex-investigating officer Satish Verma disclosed that terror-attacks in Mumbai in November 26, 2008 and assault on Indian Parliament in January 12, 2001 were carried out by the Indian government to strengthen anti-terrorism laws. Besides, Modi regime hurriedly decided to forcibly annex disputed territory of the State of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), uncovering its intentions to wrap up the article 370 of the Indian constitution which ensures a special status to Jammu and Kashmir.

Nevertheless, New Delhi is determined to keep its hold on Kashmir. It also wants to blackmail Pakistan by stopping the flow of rivers’ water towards Pakistan as major rivers of our country take origin from the occupied Kashmir.

In fact, the Amnesty International report which has specified serious human rights violations in Indian Occupied Kashmir, endorses the stance of Kashmiri people and Pakistan’s official contention, aimed at awakening the conscience of international community over serious human rights abuses.

Kashmir is an internationally recognized dispute and Indian government’s propaganda of describing mass Kashmiri resistance as terrorist activity is an attempt to nullify the indigenous nature of freedom struggle in J&K.

Pakistan being a legitimate party to the dispute, by virtue of partition plan and UN resolutions, has right to support the cause of the right of self-determination of Kashmiri people.

Undoubtedly, despite India’s harsh and repressive measures like crackdowns, curfews, illegal detentions, massacre, targeted killings, sieges, burning the houses, torture, disappearances, rape, breaking the legs, molestation of Muslim women and killing of persons through fake encounter, war of liberation which intensified since 1989 continues by the Kashmiri freedom fighters.

Nonetheless, Kashmiri movement for self- determination can not be suppressed through extrajudicial killings.

Sajjad Shaukat writes on international affairs and is author of the book: US vs Islamic Militants, Invisible Balance of Power: Dangerous Shift in International Relations

Email: sajjad_logic@yahoo.com

India Confirms Assistance to Anti-Pakistan Elements

By Sajjad Shaukat

Although India has been destabilizing all regional states through its well-planned and deliberate strategy, however, its major focus has always been towards Pakistan and Indian-held Kashmir.

In this respect, while speaking to high-profile anchor Barkha Dutt of Indian NDTV news channel, ahead of the launch of his book, “Kashmir: The Vajpayee Years”, former Chief of Indian secret agency RAW, Amarjit Singh Dulat disclosed on June 4, this year that Indian intelligence agencies have over the years paid money to militants and separatists including the mainstream politicians and political parties in the Indian occupied-Kashmir.

Concealing something, Amarjit Singh also refused to comment on the claims of Indian funding to Pakistan’s Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), but, he claimed that MQM chief Altaf Hussain was a guest of British intelligence agency MI-6 which should also be questioned about MQM’s funding.

The ex-RAW chief admitted that India’s “spooks” had been in touch with everyone from “separatists to the militants” in Pakistan.

However, the statement of RAW chief is not surprising, as Indian other high officials, and even its Prime Minister Narendra Modi Modi openly confirmed assistance to anti-Pakistan elements.

In this regard, Indian Defence Minister, Manohar Parrikar, while using the Hindi phrase “kante se kanta nikalna’ (removing a thorn with a thorn) assertively said on May 23, 2015, “We have to neutralise terrorists through terrorists only…why does my soldier have to do it…the issue could not be discussed beyond this…there are certain things that I obviously cannot discuss here.”

In this context, while addressing a ceremony during his Bangladesh tour, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi openly stated on June 7, this year that Indian forces helped Mukti Bahini to turn East Pakistan into Bangladesh. He elaborated that former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee had played an active role in separating Bangladesh from Pakistan, and he had also come to Delhi in 1971 to participate in the Satyagraha Movement, launched by Jana Sangh as a volunteer to garner support for the Mukti Bahini members.

It is notable that Indian former Army Chief Gen. VK Singh also confessed that during his tenure, he supervised special army unit, Tactical Support Division (TSD) on the instructions of the then defence minister to sponsor subversive activities in Pakistan, particularly Balochistan, and to bribe the Kashmiri leaders.

These blatant admissions clearly prove that New Delhi has been sponsoring worse kinds of terrorism inside Pakistan. In fact, Indian covert and overt activities against the federation of Pakistan had led to the separation of the former East Pakistan in 1971. Now, India has been promoting sub-nationalism in Baluchistan, Khyber Paktunkhwa, Sindh and even among the Karachiates (Mohajirs). New Delhi has been exploiting sub-nationalist elements locally and abroad as proxies against Pakistan.

While, these Indian-backed anti-Pakistan elements have never protested against the killing of innocent women, children and men at the hands of their militant groups. These terrorist groups abduct, kidnap and then kill innocent Balochs, Sindhis and Punjabis to strengthen their case of missing persons and extra-judicial killings to distort the image of Pakistan and its security agencies abroad.

To affect the flourishing relations of Pakistan and China, Baloch secessionists have been directed to step up their activities on China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Indian RAW has created a heavily funded China-Pakistan specific desk to target growing Pak-China- Afghanistan relations.

It is mentionable that the ink on the CPEC was barely dry when some western media, especially RAW started playing up the Baloch insurgency. In this regard, the director of The Second Floor (T2F), a social activist Sabeen Mahmud was shot dead by unidentified gunmen in Karachi on April 24, 2015, followed by a bomb blast in Sibi, which killed several persons on April 26. However, she had left T2F after attending the session on Balochistan province, when she was targeted. She was likely to conduct a seminar at LUMS in Lahore about Balochistan. Earlier, on April 11, gunmen killed 20 laborers at a dam construction site in the Turbat district of Baluchistan. On May 29, 2015, 20 people were killed when unknown militants opened fire at the kidnapped passengers in Mastung area of Balochistan—after abduction of two buses. Especially, on May 13, 45 people were killed when gunmen brutally opened fire on a bus of the Ismaili community in Karachi. Ahmed Marwat, a spokesman of Jundullah which is the affiliated group of the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP)—backed by RAW claimed responsibility for the bus attack. These terror attacks which continue in some way or the other are aimed at sabotaging the CPEC.

India knows that the establishment of CPEC between deep Gwadar seaport of Balochistan and the historic Silk Road city in western regions-Xinjiang of China will connect Gilgit-Baltistan through Khunjerab Pass. Beijing would also build an international airport at Gwadar, while the roads infrastructure in Gwadar would link the communication network of rest of the country to facilitate transportation of goods. As New Delhi has been opposing this Pak-China project which will make Pakistan an economic power, hence, it has been weakening Pakistan by creating unrest in the Balochistan province.

It is noteworthy that on July 23, 2008, Nawabzada Brahamdagh Bugti, the leader of the outlawed Baloch Republican Party (BRP) told the BBC that they had the right to accept foreign aid and arms from anywhere including India.

Nevertheless, these confessions by India endorsed that RAW has well-established its network in Afghanistan, and is fully assisting cross-border incursions and terror-activities in various regions of Pakistan, particularly Balochistan. It has continuously been assisting the Baloch separatist elements and anti-Pakistan groups like BLA, Jundullah and TTP including their affiliated outfits with logistic support—the militants kidnapped and killed many innocent people and the security personnel in the province through suicide attacks, bomb blasts, targeted killings and sectarian violence. They also abducted and killed many Chinese and Iranian nationals. On a number of occasions, these insurgent groups claimed responsibility for their acts of sabotage, but India and some external powers have been shifting the blame game of human rights violations in Balochistan towards Pak Army.

It is of particular attention that during the recent visit of the US Secretary of State John Kerry to New Delhi, Indian Prime Minister Modi was humbled in the meeting when American team showed some hard evidence of TTP chief Mullah Fazalullah and RAW nexus in Afghanistan to influx terror in Pakistan.

Here, it also worth-mentioning that theoretically, Indian Constitution safeguards the rights of minorities, but in practice, ideology of Hindutva (Hindu nationalism) prevails. Hindu politics and culture, dominated by the fundamentalist parties such as BJP, RSS VHP, Bajrang Dal and Shiv Sena including other extremist outfits have been propagating Hindutva. Provocative utterances of their extremist leaders and the BJP rulers have resulted into unending violence against the Muslims, Christians Sikhs, and Dalits, while creating war-like situation between Pakistan and India, as Indian unprovoked shelling across Line of Control and Working Boundary displays.

Moreover, on January 20, 2013, Indian External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid and Home minister Sushil Kumar Shinde confessed the nexus between BJP and the RSS, disclosing that organized training camps run by these fundamentalist parties were promoting Hindu terrorism. They also disclosed that these parties were behind the Samjhauta Express, Meccca Masjid and Malegaon blasts including Gujarat and Babri Masjid incidents. Earlier, New Delhi was accusing Pakistan’s primary intelligence agency, ISI for blasts in Malegaon and other cities.

While, on July 19, 2013, the Indian former home ministry and ex-investigating officer Satish Verma revealed that terror-attacks in Mumbai in November 26, 2008 and assault on Indian Parliament in January 12, 2001 were carried out by the Indian government to strengthen anti-terrorism laws. But, Indian top officials and media had blamed Islamabad and a Pakistan-based group Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) for those attacks.

Nonetheless, India confirms assistance to anti-Pakistan elements. And, taking note of New Delhi’s blatant admissions, Islamabad is raising the question of Indian-sponsored terrorism in Pakistan at the UNO forum. While,  it is the right hour that the US-led western countries must declare India a terrorist state, as it is carving out a disastrous strategy, and it would never help in rooting out terrorism which is an international issue, threatening all countries.

Sajjad Shaukat writes on international affairs and is author of the book: US vs Islamic Militants, Invisible Balance of Power: Dangerous Shift in International Relations

Email: sajjad_logic@yahoo.com

Legitimate or Just a Legend?

Roohi Wanchoo



Asif Ali Zardari’s naked threats, given few days back to the armed forces of the country, are talk of the town these days. Less him and few of his aides no one else, even his own party leaders are happy with his highly immature attitude and arrogance. In fact he shattered that image of himself that he was a cool minded politician and slow going player. Anyone who happened to listen to his address or has read the statement is stunned and staggered as to what made a so-called cool politician to go out of his clothes and ridicule and threaten the armed forces of the country;  the organisation which he headed as the commander in chief once. However, soon some links were found which could be wildly related to his lunacy. It was when his cousin and few of other close and confidential front men were apprehended, that he felt a step on his toe. A hot celebrity and model Ayyan Ali goes with another story. A couple of his party leaders from Sindh have been caught red handed while smuggling huge cache of money abroad.

Although few of his party persons (more of his personal mouth pieces) have sheepishly started giving the explanation about his statement, nevertheless, nothing has been found so far convincing. We all remember that he was given many names like Mr. Ten percent or Mr. One Hundred and Ten percent and many stories like strapping the bomb with the leg of a billionaire are attached to his name. No one knows that how far those stories are true. Likewise long ago there was a list about Asif Ali Zardari’s local assets which went viral and was circulating on internet and social media. Since last few days that list has again emerged on the internet and is in wide circulation. No one knows that how far its true but the person who has released it claims that he must have missed something otherwise what all is mentioned is correct.

The list is an eye-opener and one feels like not believing it, however, again it’s the moral obligation of Mr. Zardari or his close friends to clarify the situation. Maybe the Rangers, FIA, CBR or other authorities like to investigate into it? The list is being proliferated under the heading of ZARDARI’s LOCAL & SOME FORIEGN ASSETS and it says:

1. Plot no. 121, Phase VIII, DHA Karachi.
2. Agricultural land situated in Deh Dali Wadi, Taluka, Tando Allah Yar.
3. Agricultural property located in Deh Tahooki Taluka, District Hyderabad measuring 65.15 acres.
4. Agricultural land falling in Deh 76-Nusrat, Taluka, District Nawabshah measuring 827.14 acres
5. Agricultural land situated in Deh 76-Nusrat, Taluka, District Nawabshah measuring 293.18 acres
6. Residential plot No 3 (Now House) Block No B-I, City Survey No 2268 Ward-A Nawabshah
7. Huma Heights (Asif Apartments) 133, Depot Lines, Commissariat Road, Karachi
8. Trade Tower Building 3/CL/V Abdullah Haroon Road, Karachi
9. House No 8, St 9, F-8/2, Islamabad
10. Agricultural land in Deh 42 Dad Taluka/ District Nawabshah
11. Agricultural land in Deh 51 Dad Taluka Distt Nawabshah
12. Plot No 3 & 4 Sikni (residential) Near Housing Society Ltd. Nawabshah
13. CafT Sheraz (C.S No. 2231/2 & 2231/3) Nawabshah
14. Agricultural land in Deh 23-Deh Taluka & District Nawabshah
15. Agricultural property in Deh 72-A, Nusrat Taluka, Nawabshah
16. Agricultural land in Deh 76-Nusrat Taluka, Nawabshah
17. Plot No. A/136 Survey No 2346 Ward A Government Employee’s Cooperative Housing Society Ltd, Nawabshah
18. Agricultural land in Deh Jaryoon Taluka Tando Allah Yar, Distt. Hyderabad
19. Agricultural land in Deh Aroro Taluka Tando Allah Yar, Distt. Hyderabad
20. Agricultural land in Deh Nondani Taluka Tando Allah Yar, Distt. Hyderabad
21. Agricultural land in Deh Lotko Taluka Tando Allah Yar, Distt. Hyderabad
22. Agricultural land in Deh Jhol Taluka Tando Allah Yar, Distt. Hyderabad
23. Agricultural land in Deh Kandari Taluka Tando Allah Yar, Distt. Hyderabad
24. Agricultural land in Deh Deghi Taluka Tando Mohammad Khan
25. Agricultural land in Deh Rahooki Taluka, Hyderabad
26. Property in Deh Charo Taluka, Badin
27. Agricultural property in Deh Dali Wadi Taluka, Hyderabad
28. Five acres prime land allotted by DG KDA in 1995/96
29. 4,000 kanals near Simli Dam
30. 80 acres of land at Hawks Bay
31. 13 acres of land at Maj Gulradi (KPT Land)
32. One acre plot, GCI, Clifton
33. One acre of land, State Life (International Centre, Sadar)
34. FEBCs worth Rs. 4 million
SHARES IN SUGAR MILLS INCLUDE:
1. Sakrand Sugar Mills Nawabshah
2. Ansari Sugar Mills Hyderabad
3. Mirza Sugar Mills Badin
4. Pangrio Sugar Mills Thatta
5. Bachani Sugar Mills Sanghar
FRONT COMPANIES IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES:
1. Boomer Finance Inc, British Virgin Islands
2. Moriston Securities Inc, British Virgin Islands
3. Marlton Business S A, British Virgin Islands
4. Capricorn Trading S A, British Virgin Islands
5. Fagarita Consulting INc, British Virgin Islands
6. Marvil Associated Inc, British Virgin Islands
7. Pawnbury Finance Ltd, British Virgin Islands
8. Oxton Trading Limited, British Virgin Islands
9. Brinslen Invest S A, British Virgin Islands
10. Chimitex Holding S A, British Virgin Islands
11. Elkins Holding S A, British Virgin Islands
12. Minister Invest Ltd, British Virgin Islands
13. Silvernut Investment Inc, British Virgin Islands
14. Tacolen Investment Ltd, British Virgin Islands
15. Marlcrdon Invest S A, British Virgin Islands
16. Dustan Trading Inc, British Virgin Islands
17. Reconstruction and Development Finance Inc, British Virgin Islands
18. Nassam Alexander Inc.
19. Westminster Securities Inc.
20. Laptworth Investment Inc 202, Saint Martin Drive, West Jacksonville
21. Intra Foods Inc. 3376, Lomrel Grove, Jacksonville, Florida
22. Dynatel Trading Co, Florida
23. A..S Realty Inc. Palm Beach Gardens Florida
24. Bon Voyage Travel Consultancy Inc, Florida
ZARDARI’S PROPERTIES IN UK:
1. 355 acre Rockwood Estate, Surrey (Now stands admitted)
2. Flat 6, 11 Queens Gate Terrace, London SW7
3. 26 Palace Mansions, Hammersmith Road, London W14
4. 27 Pont Street, London, SW1
5. 20 Wilton Crescent, London SW1
6. 23 Lord Chancellor Walk, Coombe Hill, Kingston, Surrey
7. The Mansion, Warren Lane, West Hampstead, London
8. A flat at Queens Gate Terrace, London
9. Houses at Hammersmith Road, Wilton Crescent, Kingston and in Hampstead.
ZARDARI’S PROPERTIES IN BELGIUM:
1. 12-3 Boulevard De-Nieuport, 1000, Brussels, (Building containing 4 shops and 2 large apartments)
2. Chausee De-Mons, 1670, Brussels
ZARDARI’S PROPERTIES IN FRANCE:
1. La Manoir De La Reine Blanche and property in Cannes
ZARDARI’S PROPERTIES IN USA — in the name of Asif Zardari and managed by Shimmy Qureshi:
1. Stud farm in Texas
2. Wellington Club East, West Palm Beach
3. 12165 West Forest Hills, Florida
4. Escue Farm 13,524 India Mound, West Palm Beach
5. 3,220 Santa Barbara Drive, Wellington Florida
6. 13,254 Polo Club Road, West Palm Beach Florida
7. 3,000 North Ocean Drive, Singer Islands, Florida
8. 525 South Flager Driver, West Palm Beach, Florida
9. Holiday Inn Houston Owned by Asif Ali Zardari, Iqbal Memon and Sadar-ud-Din Hashwani
ZARDARI’S BANK ACCOUNTS IN FOREGN COMPANIES:
1. Union Bank of Switzerland (Account No. 552.343, 257.556.60Q, 433.142.60V, 216.393.60T)
2. Citibank Private Limited (SWZ) (Account No. 342034)
3. Citibank N A Dubai (Account No. 818097)
4. Barclays Bank (Suisse) (Account No. 62290209)
5. Barclays Bank (Suisse) (Account No. 62274400)
6. Banque Centrade Ormard Burrus S A
7. Banque Pache S A
8. Banque Pictet & Cie
9. Banque La Henin, Paris (Account No. 00101953552)
10. Bank Natinede Paris in Geneva (Account NO.. 563.726.9)
11. Swiss Bank Corporation
12. Chase Manhattan Bank Switzerland
13. American Express Bank Switzerland
14. Societe De Banque Swissee
15. Barclays Bank (Knightsbridge Branch) (Account No. 90991473)
16. Barclays Bank, Kingston and Chelsea Branch, (Sort Code 20-47-34135)
17. National Westminster Bank, Alwych Branch (Account No. 9683230)
18. Habib Bank (Pall Mall Branch).
19. National Westminster Bank, Barking Branch, (Account No. 28558999).
20. Habib Bank AG, Moorgate, London EC2
21. National Westminster Bank, Edgware Road, London
22. Banque Financiei E Dela Citee, Credit Suisse
23. Habib Bank AG Zurich, Switzerland
24. Pictet Et Cie, Geneva
25. Credit Agricole, Paris
26. Credit Agridolf, Branch 11, Place Brevier, 76440, Forges Les Faux
27. Credit Agricole, Branch Haute – Normandy, 76230, Boise Chillum
The interesting thing is that the unknown list provider insists that these may not be all the assets, however, the authenticity is beyond any doubt. It’s very serious thing and the alliance that is sweating to give twist to Zardari’s statement must concentrate on clarifying these serious allegations instead of wasting their time on a non-issue. We all know about the horrific ends of Sadam and Kaddafi and his son. The gathering of storm is always silent. One knows about it only when it is there to play wrath. It’s not only Asif Ali Zardari, perhaps there are many more heads read to roll. Unfortunately this is the writing on the wall.

Disclaimer: The list provided here is being circulated on the internet since many years and downloaded from there. Otherwise also those who are tightening the noose may be having more updated details.

The North Pole beckons Mr Modi

Jawed Naqvi

PRIME Minister Narendra Modi is visiting five Central Asian countries plus Russia this week and the next. Indian opposition parties have already berated him for what they say are avoidably frequent and expensive as well as markedly low-yield overseas trips. His foreign supporters too seem to be losing enthusiasm in his zeal to visit them. Blame it on tardy progress on the economic promises he made to them.
During much of the Cold War, Central Asia was part of the revered Soviet Union, which more or less single-handedly shored up India’s defence capabilities. To cap it all Moscow underwrote India’s 1971 military outing against Pakistan. In return, Indian traders sold tea and leather jackets to a generously captive Soviet market. Some pharmaceutical goods also found their way. With the new meat policy of India’s ruling party and its impact on leather trade, Delhi may be left with even less with which it can strive to challenge China, Russia or even Iran in Central Asia as some Indian analysts wish the country to do.
There’s a gap in what India’s notoriously prescriptive scribes want for it and the possibilities that exist on the ground. Sample the choices. After the Cold War, newly rich traders from Karol Bagh and other shopping districts of India — from Maharashtra, Punjab and Gujarat mostly — began making a beeline to select Central Asian destinations. They did not go with tea or leather goods to offload, but to have low-budget sex. North Indian male obsession with ‘fair’ skin is not confined to bleaching creams alone.
If Mr Modi were to take an Uzbek airlines flight from Delhi to Tashkent instead of his cocooned Air India journey, he might be able to observe the less factored side effects of the rupee’s partial convertibility. He would glean from the gross demeanour of his compatriots, their escapades, beginning with the way they harass the female flight attendants.

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There’s a gap in what India’s notoriously prescriptive scribes want for it and the possibilities that exist on the ground.

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Of course, the rot began to set in the early days of the Soviet Union’s dismemberment. That’s when Indian carpetbaggers began making predatory swoops on their former allies. In other words, the very people that once got the protocol reserved for demi-gods from Moscow became desperate partners in the economic scavenging that befalls a people trapped in any disaster zone.
Even before the collapse of the Soviet Union, the rupee-rouble trade shored up a parallel economy. Moscow didn’t need the billions of Indian rupees but that is all it managed to get for the military hardware. The rupee bundles were auctioned at a windfall rebate to Indian traders. Some were transferred to the communist party of Moscow’s choice. I remember watching mint fresh Indian banknotes in Dubai in the 1990s servicing an entire hawala circuit. The bundles had arrived from Moscow.
Yet, there is plenty on offer to India. Kazakhstan, the largest of the landlocked states, has a tie-up for space research and crucial uranium and mineral exports. One-sided trade, however, scarcely constitutes a strategic prospect, at least not when you are dealing with China or Russia as challengers. If small concessions are given for oil or gas exploration to India would that deserve a prime ministerial visit?
Given Kazakhstan’s lurking insecurities over the presence of substantial Chinese and Russian minorities in its social mix, it is conceivable that there may be room for the potentially less volatile Indian labour. But it could be years before language and other required skills are aligned in this sphere.
It is difficult to figure out any cause for the fuss over a future Iranian train service from the Chahbahar port that will link Indian trade to Central Asia. If faraway countries like South Korea and Japan can be present there in a major way, selling industrial goods and building infrastructure what is the excuse for India to cite transportation as a hurdle to improve its presence? What will the trains carry? Tea?
“A counterpoint to China’s inroads”, screamed the headline in a major Delhi newspaper weeks ahead of the Modi visit. Did anyone consider the sheer scale of the challenge it thus posed?
In May this year, Russia signed an estimated $400 billion gas supply deal to deliver 38 billion cubic metres (bcm) of gas through the Power of Siberia (POS) pipeline to China, with first gas to be delivered in 2018. According to reports, the pipeline deal is so large that it will change gas dynamics in the Asia-Pacific region.
Will India’s elevation as full member at this week’s meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Council in Russia, together with Pakistan’s elevation, improve the frequently bristling equation between Delhi and Beijing? One hopes so. Delhi’s renewed interest in the Tapi gas pipeline could augur happier prospects also in the larger South Asian neighbourhood.
Can India exploit a clear advantage it has over Pakistan in much of Central Asia as it is seen to be a more reliable ally against Islamic extremism that stalks the region? Delhi can also exploit local misgivings that flow from an overbearing Chinese and Russian presence. What does it have to offer in return? Perhaps some useful intelligence, but would that constitute a strategic march over the other players?
As he ponders some of these unavoidable hard questions during the eight-day swing through the region, Mr Modi could also explore some old cultural links with Central Asia, including the ancient Buddhist connection. Also, is the tradition of horsemeat eating in Central Asia linked with the ancient Indian custom of ashwamedha, the horse sacrifice?
If he wants to locate the thesis of Guru Golwalkar that the North Pole was originally situated between Bihar and Orissa, he might even want to take a short flight from Russia to meet the people there. They might turn out to be our ancestors, if Golwalkar is right.

Published in Dawn, July 7th, 2015

Reclaiming Fata

Sikander Ahmed Shah

RECENTLY, Defence Minister Khawaja Asif said that Operation Zarb-i-Azb would continue till peace and tranquillity were permanently restored to Fata. The director general of ISPR, however, was more specific when he announced on June 13 that the operation was highly successful and was entering its final stage.
The DG ISPR highlighted the achievements of the operation, pointing to the 2,763 ‘terrorists’ killed, 837 militant hideouts cleared and 253 tonnes of explosives recovered during the operation. Previously, the mil­i­tary spokesman had told the media that 90pc of the area had been cleared of militants.
The conclusion of the operation should witness the replacement of the bulk of military units with law-enforcement bodies in the region. At the same time, however, it is important to deliberate upon and plan for the various challenges that the state will face in maintaining peace and security in the region.

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A key challenge in Fata is the dispensation of justice.

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One key challenge will, of course, be related to the dispensation of justice, for which a key component will be the effective criminal prosecution of militants and terrorists who have committed war crimes and crimes against humanity in Fata and the adjoining areas. Military courts and tribunals can pass sentences in this regard, though civil courts would be preferable. If military courts and tribunals are used, however, then they must fulfil the requirements of a regularly constituted court, which affords all the judicial guarantees as enumerated in Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions of 1949.
The Peshawar APS school attack and similar assaults against the civilian population are clear examples of grave war crimes committed by the Taliban, for which punishment must be meted out and, where appropriate, reparation provided by the state to the victims. However, the state must better develop standard operating procedures to investigate and report on violations and provide justice to victims of conflict. In cases where the state provides financial compensation, transparency and accountability in the determination of civilian losses will go a long way in reinforcing the legitimacy of this exercise.
Effective peace-building also requires the removal of draconian and over-inclusive legal provisions currently operative in Fata. Many laws go against fundamental rights. For instance, Chapter VII of the Action in Aid of Civil Power Regulation, 2011, titled Offences and Punishment, can be interpreted to prosecute innocent civilians, including children, who are caught in the midst of conflict, for waging war against the state. This offence is subject to capital punishment.
Similarly, individuals who have not committed any acts of terrorism or war crimes but have been misled into providing general support to the Taliban movement in Fata, are exposed to disproportionate punishment. While Pakistan is not obligated to grant amn­esty to such individuals or militants in an inte­rnal conflict under international law, political expediency dictates that goodwill and reconciliation, and winning the hearts and minds of the local population, would bring about more favourable outcomes in the long run.
International humanitarian law encourages amnesty, as does the Security Council, the General Assembly and the UN Comm­ission of Human Rights (now replaced by the UN Human Rights Council). This is evidenced by the passage of numerous resolutions encou­raging amnesty and related measures in the after­math of conflicts in Afghanistan, Croa­tia, Kosovo, Bosnia and Sudan, among others. Further, amnesty as a practice also finds strong support under the Islamic laws of war.
It is evident that long-term and sustainable peace-building can only be achieved in Fata if its inhabitants are accorded all civil, political, social and economic rights guaranteed to citizens of Pakistan under the Constitution. Fata residents also need to have access to the judicial system of Pakistan for the effective realisation of such rights.
The autonomous status accorded to Fata by the British Raj and inherited by Pakistan, and the executive control exercised over the region through the Frontier Crimes Regul­ation still in place, were attempts to further colonial imperatives in pre-Partition times by depriving Fata inhabitants of a universally recognised legal system. Contrary to popular belief, this ‘Fata exceptionalism’ did not arise out of respect for the independence of the fierce warring tribes whom the British Empire could not defeat. It arose out of realpolitik.
Fata’s integration into Pakistan’s constitutional system may commence through the culmination of the Fata reform initiative. Indeed, the Fata Reform Commission has recently deliberated on extending the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court to the tribal areas.
Fata is of increasing importance to Pakistan strategically, economically and politically. For starters, both the Tapi and CPEC projects would traverse this region. Therefore, the government must handle Fata’s reintegration with care and tact, not only for the benefit of the inhabitants of the tribal areas, but also for the prosperity of the country as a whole.
The writer is the former legal adviser to the ministry of foreign affairs.
Published in Dawn, July 5th, 2015